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Origin of every human language

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Chung
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 Message 73 of 77
28 April 2011 at 7:47pm | IP Logged 
Sprachprofi wrote:
Cainntear, your post is off-topic here, take it to the senior members' forum if you must,
and re-write it so that it only attacks the behavior, not the person. By the way, I think
the word "ridiculous" was a bad choice in Iversen's post, but other than that it was
perfectly fine.

The issue of languages getting easier or more difficult with time is an interesting
aspect. I'm afraid that a lot might be influenced by observer bias though, seeing that
Indo-European languages are currently tending towards simpler grammar (albeit more
difficult ways of phrasing; a dictionary and a grammar is by far not enough to understand
modern colloquial English). Can anyone report from a different language family?


There are some related comments in Wikipedia's article on linguistic drift which mentions changes in word order or shift from the synthetic to analytic.

One of the variations of this discussion reminds me of the thread "Most inefficient languages?" and in particular my response to the perception that languages simplify in absolute terms.

Chung wrote:
lloydkirk wrote:
[...] I don't understand why people some people find this thread infuriating...Some languages are more practical for communication and dare I say it...easier. I stick by my point that written mandarin isn't practical and more people would learn it if it used an alphabet. Most of the people on this forum seem to enjoy the complexities they encounter in new languages and are somehow angered that I don't share the same passion. What's wrong with making language easier/more practical to learn and use? It's nothing that has happened before. I dare someone to name one language that has become harder over time. In comparison, arabic dialects and swiss German both have considerably simpler grammar than their respective standards.


I can see why people find the thread infuriating since it implies that those who speak "complicated" languages as native ones must be somehow inferior since they haven't "seen the light" and simplified their languages.

The problem with your thinking is that it's relative and it's very hard to say that X is simpler than Y in absolute terms. You could only say this in relative terms (e.g. English is generally easier for a monolingual German to learn compared to a monolingual Korean). As linguamor posted, why doesn't English drop articles, the distinction between "he" and "she" or the distinction between present and past tense? How would you as a native speaker of English react to those ideas if they were put forth by an ESL student?

About evolution of language towards "simplicity", it's debatable. As an example, let's take Bulgarian. It's Slavonic, however unlike almost all other Slavonic languages, it has almost totally lost the pattern of declension (7 cases, 3 genders and 3 numbers) that was used in Old Church Slavonic and still used to a large degree in almost all of the other Slavonic languages. (It's similar to how modern English has shed almost the entire pattern of declensions that was used in Old English and still used more or less in German). Right away, you would say that modern Bulgarian is simpler, right? On the other hand, modern Bulgarian has for whatever reason a much more elaborate system of verb conjugation (i.e. more tenses and moods) than other Slavonic languages and Old Church Slavonic. Would you now say that modern Bulgarian is still easier than Old Bulgarian?

In some ways, I can see your point in that certain distinctions made in the older version of the language are no longer made, and in a limited sense the modern language is arguably simpler than the old language. Yet when it comes to implying that the modern version is somehow superior to the older version, that's where things get dicey, to say the least. As you can see with Bulgarian, I'm not sure how Bulgarians would react if you would tell them that their language is now simpler because it has virtually no declension. What about the other features of Bulgarian? Does the modern language make distinctions that the old one didn't?


On the question of what has happened outside Indo-European, I can speak confidently only for certain Uralic languages.

Estonian, Finnish, Lappic/Sammic and Hungarian among several other languages in northern Eurasia are classified as Uralic and descended from a reconstructed ancestor called Proto-Uralic.

I can think of a couple of observations about how Estonian (and colloquial Finnish) show a shift in their morphological type.

Estonian shows a noticeable mix of analysis, fusion and agglutination in comparison to the otherwise closely-related Finnish. This divergence arose partially as the tendency for Estonians to stop pronouncing final unstressed syllables became stronger, this meant that many of the endings critical to the functioning or being of an agglutinative language disappeared. To compensate for the rising ambiguity between uninflected words and words whose endings had dropped off, Estonians had to maintain the semantic or grammatical distinctions via analysis, fusion or creation of even longer vowels. A clear example is how Estonian possession is not indicated by suffixes as in Standard Finnish or Hungarian).

- "My dog" / "Your country"
- "Mu koer" / "Su maa" (Estonian - 'koer' and 'maa' are the nominative singular/"basic"/uninflected forms of "dog" and "country" respectively)
- "M(in)un koira" / "S(in)un maa" (Colloquial Finnish - 'koira' and 'maa' are the nominative singular/"basic"/uninflected forms of "dog" and "country" respectively)
- "Koirani" / "Maasi" (Standard Finnish - 'koira' and 'maa' are the nominative singular/"basic"/uninflected forms of "dog" and "country" respectively)
- "A kutyám" / Az országod (Hungarian - 'kutya' and 'ország' are the nominative singular/"basic"/uninflected form of "dog" and "country" respectively)

Without the use of "mu" or "su" as possessive pronouns/adjectives, the Estonians could not instantly deduce whether "koer" and "maa" are nominative forms or remnants of forms that once used the possessive suffixes as still seen in Finnish and Hungarian. This tendency towards analysis in Estonian may also have been supported by the fact that Estonians' habits were influenced by languages of neighbours that do not use possessive suffixes (e.g. Latvians, Germans, Russians).

Another thing is that Estonian does not always indicate the illative (~ case referring to "going into" something) simply by adding a distinct suffix as is usual for an agglutinative language (in this case the suffix is -sse). Instead it is quite common to express the illative by using a form that is visually identical to the genitive but distinguishable by pronouncing the long vowel even longer.

e.g.

"school" ~ "of a/the school" ~ "into a/the school"
kool ~ kooli ~ kooli (Estonian - "long" or "obvious" illative is koolisse)
koulu ~ koulun ~ kouluun (Finnish)

"train" ~ "of a/the train" ~ "into a/the train"
rong ~ rongi ~ rongi (Estonian - "long" or "obvious" illative is rongisse)
juna ~ junan ~ junaan (Finnish)

The difference is that the last "kooli" is pronounced as if the double "o" were printed as 2.5 o's or in triplicate while the single "o" in "rongi" is pronounced as if it were a double "o". In contrast, the Finnish forms are typically agglutinative in just adding suffixes that signal obvious changes from one case to the next. There's no change in vowel length that escapes the reader's attention.

You can draw your other conclusions on the evolution toward complexity/simplicity of various Uralic languages from excerpts below from a post comparing characteristics in Proto-Uralic with those in modern Uralic languages in "Finno-Ugric languages"

Chung wrote:
[...]
1) Proto-Uralic likely had vowel harmony.
- Vowel harmony exists in one form or another in only some of the daughter languages. It does not exist in Estonian, Komi, Lappic, Udmurt, Selkup and several dialects of Khanty and Mansi [...]

2) Proto-Uralic likely fixed stress on the first syllable.
- Stress is fixed on the first syllable in most of the daughter languages. Erzya Mordvin, Komi, Mari, Udmurt and Samoyedic languages do not have this trait and treatment varies (e.g. Selkup has mobile stress; Udmurt often places stress on the last syllable)

3) Proto-Uralic likely did not use tones
- Livonian (peripheral Finnic language) uses two contrastive lexical tones, while Estonian (another peripheral Finnic language) uses differences in pitch-accent (i.e. a special kind of tonal distinction) together with distinctions in its short, long and over-long syllables.

4) Proto-Uralic likely had at least 5 cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, locative, and separative/ablative (many researchers postulate that there were 6 cases with lative being the sixth case here)
- The range in the number of cases varies from 6 to 24 depending on the language/dialect considered. The quantity of cases also seems to be unrelated to whether the language is peripheral (i.e. more conservative) or core (i.e. more innovative). For example:

Estonian has 14 or 15 cases (depending on whom you talk to) ("peripheral language")

Finnish has 15 cases ("peripheral language")

Hungarian has 18 cases ("core language")

Komi (Permyak variant) has 24 cases ("closer to a core language")

Lappic (Saamic) languages have between 6 and 9 cases depending on the particular language ("dialect") involved. ("peripheral language")

Northern Mansi has 6 cases. ("core language")

Nganasan has at least 8 cases (there may be more depending on how you treat certain postpositional constructions) ("peripheral language")

Selkup has 13 cases ("peripheral language")

Veps has 23 cases ("peripheral language")

5) Proto-Uralic likely used a negative verb (the negating particle is conjugated rather than the main verb itself)
- Hungarian and Selkup do not use negative verbs.

6) Proto-Uralic likely used singular, dual and plural.
- This trilateral distinction is maintained in Lappic (Saamic), Khanty, Mansi, Enets, Nenets, Nganasan and Selkup.

7) Proto-Uralic may have used a form of consonant gradation*
- Almost all of the Finno-Lappic (Finno-Saamic) languages (Livonian, Southern Lappish (Southern Saami) and Veps are exceptions) and Nganasan use consonant gradation. The remaining Uralic daughter languages do not apply consonant gradation.

* This is uncertain because the presence of consonant gradation in certain Uralic languages may be explained by influence from a common but unknown substratum. It is uncertain also whether the consonant gradation used in Saamic languages originates from the same process that gave rise to consonant gradation in Finnic languages.


Basically there's evolution but assigning a measure of difficulty or complexity is problematic since some languages have for example added cases or tonal distinctions that likely weren't in the ancestral language, while others have discarded the dual or consonant gradation (if it had indeed been used in Proto-Uralic).
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Cainntear
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 Message 74 of 77
28 April 2011 at 10:23pm | IP Logged 
Sprachprofi wrote:
The issue of languages getting easier or more difficult with time is an interesting
aspect. I'm afraid that a lot might be influenced by observer bias though, seeing that
Indo-European languages are currently tending towards simpler grammar (albeit more
difficult ways of phrasing; a dictionary and a grammar is by far not enough to understand
modern colloquial English). Can anyone report from a different language family?

Actually, I can give you an example of a marked increase in complexity from within the Indo-European family.

Anyone familiar with Peninsular Spanish will have experienced something called "lenition", even if they're not familiar with the word.

Lenition comes from Latin and means "softening" or "smoothing", and it's something that happens to consonants in many languages. In central and northern Spain, a D between two vowels (or as a single consonant at the end of a word is softened to ð (the voiced TH of English this). This process of lenition is particularly strong in past participial endings. Latin past participle endings used T, which the Spanish sound system lenited by voicing to D. But that's not the end of it, and I'll demonstrate this with cansado. People in the south and in Latin America say this with a strong D: cansado. People in central Spain say cansaðo. But there are some places in the north and in Andalucia where the D is further lenited to hiatus (cansa.o) or lenited to zero, leaving a diphthong (cansao). (Further west, you get Portuguese and Gallician and under the same stress, the D lenited away to a nasalisation of the preceding vowel.)

Lenition in Spanish isn't limited to words though -- it can occur across words that are tightly bound. There is a distinction between intervocalic and non-intervocalic V, and if you say "no volveré", the first V is intervocalic because "no" acts as a clitic.

In Spanish, this hasn't added any real complexity, in fact, it has arguably reduced the phonemic complexity of the language.

But this is all background to the main point.
This lenition is something that the Spanish (and the Gallicians and Portuguese) seem to have inherited from Celtic, and its effects can be seen in the evolution of the Goidelic languages.

Lenition was a non-phonemic distinction in early forms of Gaelic. In the earliest writings, lenition was not marked, as it was (like in Spanish) something that happened to certain single consonant phonemes between vowels.

But at some point Gaelic started experiencing syncope -- the dropping of vowels from some unstressed syllables. However, even though the vowels were lost, lenited consonants remained lenited. The number of phonemes in the language increased.

But that's not all.

As with Modern Spanish, lenition in Old Common Gaelic/Old Irish could occur over word boundaries. In the Celtic languages, attributive adjectives come after the nouns that they're bound to. Originally, masculine nouns ended in a consonant and feminine nouns ended in a vowel (-a). So a masculine noun didn't lenite the following adjective, but a feminine noun did.
So far, so simple.
But due to syncope, the feminine noun lost that unstressed final -a.
But syncope left the lenition behind, and what was once a simple by-product of pronunciation became a new grammatical rule.

This is only one example -- there are several places where lenition occurs because of (or is blocked by) a sound that simply isn't there anymore.

Once the missing sound was well and truly forgotten, things got even more complex, because where lenition caused by the final phoneme of words previously only affected the next word, in Modern Scottish Gaelic and in Modern Irish, lenition can affect a whole string of words.

So the rules of Gaelic are now very intricate, with some grammatical situations causing "single lenition" (only affecting the next word) and others causing "jumping lenition" (affecting the whole string). In certain circumstances lenition can be "blocked", but blocking only ever affects one word, so jumping lenition can carry on from the following word.

So yes, languages can and do become more complex.

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Arekkusu
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 Message 75 of 77
28 April 2011 at 10:34pm | IP Logged 
Cainntear wrote:
But at some point Gaelic started experiencing syncope -- the dropping of vowels from some unstressed syllables. However, even though the vowels were lost, lenited consonants remained lenited. The number of phonemes in the language increased.

Same in French: in many dialects, nasal consonants merged with the vowels to form 4 extra nasal vowels. Final vowel lenition made it impossible to guess whether a noun is masculine or feminine just from looking at it. The dropping of s after vowels created additional long vowel phonemes as well.
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Iversen
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 Message 76 of 77
28 April 2011 at 11:37pm | IP Logged 
Romanist wrote:
Iversen wrote:
... some of the most complex languages are (or were) spoken by small groups who didn't have to communicate much with the outside world ...

I still don't really see how/why these languages would have become so complex in the first place? People have always been thrown up against other linguistic groups, haven't they?


The groups that have been mentioned were actually quite isolated when they evolved. To keep a language complicated you need stable families, few chances to move to and fro and respect for tradition. But small societies of this kind are vulnerable, and we'll se thousands of languages spoken by isolated tribes disappear in the coming time because the young generations switch to more prestigious languages - ie. because of communication with the outside world. In fact we wouldn't have known about them without having disturbed them.

If we look at the situation in the Middle East 4-5000 years ago or Europe 2-3000 years ago there were of course commerce and sometimes also warfare. But the general population would normally live in in monolingual communities without much communication with the outside world - and a passing merchant now and then couldn't change that. Only periods of major unrest could do that, and in some cases we can see a direct effect on languages - such as the general 'tightning up' of Protonordic during the Migration period in Europe. The resulting Old Norse had shorter words, less sometimes vowel changes instead of endings, etc - in short a crisper, 'faster' language than the one attested on the oldest runic inscriptions.


Romanist wrote:
... would a highy conservative language like Russian be considered a 'marginalized' language?


Russian may be conservative, but it did drop its simple past and the finite part of its compound past. And from the time of Peter I and onwards it has been fairly open to loanwords. I would say that it has adapted. But it might have been driven to faster changes if the general population had had more contacts with the outside world, and if the nobility and zarfamily - who had such contacts - had not abandoned Russian for languages like (German and French.

Romanist wrote:

The fact is, we have very limited documentary records. On the basis of these, linguists are unwise to make very strong claims about the early origins of language, in my opinion.


I totally agree. We can discuss tendencies, but there will always be exceptions. And the further back in time we go the less evidence we have. As far as I know the earliest recognized writing was the cuneiform of the Sumerians around minus 2900, and they only wrote terse accounts of goods. Everything we can say about things that happened before the advent of writing can only be more or less wellfounded guesswork based on later stages which were documented ... and to add to the complexity of the problem: the things we deduce from written sources may be misleading.


Edited by Iversen on 29 April 2011 at 9:52am

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Haukilahti
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 Message 77 of 77
29 April 2011 at 9:25am | IP Logged 
Chung wrote:
On the question of what has happened outside Indo-European, I can speak confidently only for certain Uralic languages.

I can think of a couple of observations about how Estonian (and colloquial Finnish) show a shift in their morphological type.

Even in Finnish you see, I think, a change leading to a loss of inflection and more use of prepositions (or better: adpositions) in the so-called "marginal cases". For example the use of abessive is almost confined to fixed expressions, with ilman + partitive expressing the neutral connotation of "without something". Comitative is replaced by genitive plural + possessive + kanssa (with his houses), instructive is limited to a few adverbial meanings: "jalan" = "by foot".


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