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Biggest open mysteries of Human Language

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outcast
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 Message 1 of 29
10 June 2015 at 4:51pm | IP Logged 
What do you guys think. Off the top of my head:

Was human language a sudden "mutation", appearing pretty much as an entire toolset within a generation (or within a certain "mutation population group") or did it evolve through very slow stages of howls, grunts, vocalizations, preset memorized sequences, to "proto-language" (something like a pidgin, to then full-blown grammar?

Is there a bias towards simplification? It is obvious that all Indo-European languages have streamlined cases, declensions, tenses, gender, and even plurality (dual, etc), as time has gone on. Why? Anecdotally from what I have read of the Sino-Tibetan languages, they also had richer morphology, and have been simplifying. If that is the case, and if the same trend holds true for the Austronesian languages, why do we see this, and never (but I could be wrong and correct me!), a case of a language in the historical era that began as very analytical and evolved cases, more complex plurals, etc?

(Of course, I will be the first one to argue syntax and word order is a form of complexity, and in Mandarin for example the rules are quite complex, something required when dealing with a language that marks relations almost solely via word-order. It is also amazing how flexible the language remains to alternative word-orders to express the same ideas. But I don't want to claim inflection-based systems are the only form of complexity).

As an extension to this question, and assuming the above postulate is true, why did ancient languages evolve such richness in complexity in the first place? What possible evolutionary advantage could it have brought to have three genders, three plurals, eight cases, six declension classes, etc, for example? Is there perhaps a statistical bias between the written records and the ACTUAL spoken language, which may have been far simpler than the written?

The above questions hold for phonology too. Generally speaking, in the historical records, daughter languages attrition sounds that were once clearly distinct. Some languages even had clicks, and today no longer do. Again, to me, the trend seems simplification. I understand why people would want to simplify if the job of communication can still be accomplished, but again the question arises why did most languages in the past seem to require more complexity in grammar, sound, and word order to function properly?

Any other mysteries yet unresolved?


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emk
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 Message 2 of 29
10 June 2015 at 6:47pm | IP Logged 
outcast wrote:
Was human language a sudden "mutation", appearing pretty much as an entire toolset within a generation (or within a certain "mutation population group") or did it evolve through very slow stages of howls, grunts, vocalizations, preset memorized sequences, to "proto-language" (something like a pidgin, to then full-blown grammar?

My personal hypothesis is that language involved in several steps over a long period of time. This is based on a very loose notion that Ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny, though perhaps only very roughly. In other words, we might be able to learn something about how human language evolved if we look closely at how toddlers learn to speak. You can find a detailed overview here, but basically kids start out with isolated words, then one or two word sentences, then short sentences with primitive grammar, and then the complexity begins to build quickly.

I think it's pretty well established that several species of great apes can use nouns and verbs (via sign language), but the linguist Steven Pinker argues that they basically have zero sense of grammar. I'm willing to believe that Koko the gorilla has about the same raw linguistic ability as a child in the 1-word or 2-word stage, although maybe this is the equivalent of linguistic genius for a great ape. :-)

And if you start from that point, and if you gradually add more words and structure, then every new development would provide a clear evolutionary advantage. So natural selection would be able to conserve and spread each tiny advancement over a long period of time. But this means—to put in terms familiar to HTLAL—that there were probably once bipedal apes that functioned at a level vaguely analogous to CEFR A1 in their native "languages".

But this is a completely unsupported hypothesis, with no evidence whatsoever. Take it with a grain of salt. :-)

outcast wrote:
Is there a bias towards simplification? It is obvious that all Indo-European languages have streamlined cases, declensions, tenses, gender, and even plurality (dual, etc), as time has gone on. Why?

One popular theory says that language complexity goes in a cycle:

Quote:
Languages can be roughly classed into three types: isolating, where each meaning element makes up a distinct word (e.g. Vietnamese and Chinese); agglutinative, where a word is likely to contain several meaning elements but these are clearly separable (e.g. Turkish and Swahili); and fusional, where a word will contain several meaning elements some of them being fused together, so that a single vowel may simultaneously mark, say, tense,voice, and person and number of subject (e.g. Latin and Sanskrit).

An isolating language will often tend to attach grammatical particles onto words, becoming aggultinative, and an aggultinative language will often tend to compress elements together, becoming fusional. But a fusional language may wear down over time, and introduce new, isolated words to communicate ideas that were once handled by complex conjugations and declensions. Or so the theory goes.

You can actually see a process like this happening with the French verb. Take an -er verb, for example:

Quote:
1. je parle
2. tu parles
3. il/elle/on parle
4. nous parlons
5. vous parlez
6. ils/elles parlent

Here, the forms (1), (2), (3) and (6) actually sound identical when spoken. And form (4) is almost always replaced with form (3) on parle in everyday speech (except in constructions like parlons de tout). So the six endings normally simplify to two. As you can tell from the spelling, this change in the spoken language has occurred in relatively recent history.

But at the same time, the French verb appears to be in the process of gaining prefixes. For example, if I say, Je lui parle "I speak to him", the lui "to him" is called a clitic pronoun. French clitic pronouns follow complex but absolutely rigid rules—they must appear directly before inflected verb, in a very precise order, and some of them can never appear anywhere else. Some linguists argue that these pronouns have already become an agglutinate part of the verb:

Quote:
Both authors of this posting have independently concluded from these data that pronominal clitics in French should be analyzed as lexically attached inflectional affixes (see references listed below).

In other words, if French writing wasn't constrained by history, you could validly write je lui-parl or even (arguably) jeluiparl as a single inflected form. In other words, there's good evidence that complex fusional French verb suffixes are disappearing, while at the same time, ordinary French pronouns have mostly passed from isolating to aggultinative. Give it another thousand years, and maybe those pronouns will smoosh together into a fusional mess, and the cycle will start again.

outcast wrote:
As an extension to this question, and assuming the above postulate is true, why did ancient languages evolve such richness in complexity in the first place? What possible evolutionary advantage could it have brought to have three genders, three plurals, eight cases, six declension classes, etc, for example?

Well, left to their own devices, native speakers speak as quickly as they can while still being understood. As Scott Aaronson half-jokingly suggested:

Quote:
Why do native speakers of the language you’re studying talk too fast for you to understand them? Because otherwise, they could talk faster and still understand each other.

The linguist John McWhorter argues that languages, left to their own devices, tend to become fearsomely complex. I mean, some people feel that written French is full of irregularities, but you should see some of crazy complexities of highly informal French as spoken in Quebec, as documented by HTLAL's own Arekkusu. McWhorter also argues that one major simplifying force is the introduction of a large number of poorly-integrated adult L2 speakers who never pick up the finer grammatical details. So major languages like English and Chinese might have a bias towards being isolating, but anthropologists studying small, isolated groups can sometimes find mind-blowing complexities. Do I agree with McWhorter? Maybe not entirely; he seems to think on some level that adults are very poor language learners, which I don't really believe—adults have some isolated weaknesses, certainly, but they can reach very high levels if they're fully integrated with a new culture.

Also, don't assume that just because a language seems complex to you, as an outsider or a beginning student, that actual speakers of the language feel the same way. For example Swahili has 16 separate noun classes, which work sort of like genders, and that certainly seems as bad as any of the old Indo-European languages. But the language blogger Khatzumoto (of AJATT fame), who grew up in Africa, describes it as follows:

Quote:
Swahili is one of the easiest languages in the world to learn, it was invented by people in what later became Kenya and Tanzania, for the purposes of trade, it is as smooth as botox-laced eggs.

My guess is that most "complex" languages seem perfectly straightforward to people who speak them. I mean, even French grammar started feeling basically sensible and intuitive once I had listened to and read enough French. :-)

Edited by emk on 10 June 2015 at 8:36pm

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Serpent
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 Message 3 of 29
10 June 2015 at 8:27pm | IP Logged 
Basically what emk said.
Also when one thing is simplified, something else becomes more complex. When Latin lost most inflections, the word order also became rigid. When vowels merge, the distinction can become tonal, etc etc etc.

And yeah, when people describe their native language as complex, that's usually diglossia, prescriptivism and preservation of old distinctions in writing.

Edited by Serpent on 10 June 2015 at 8:31pm

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YnEoS
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 Message 4 of 29
10 June 2015 at 9:02pm | IP Logged 
I'm currently reading The Symbolic Species by Terrence Deacon, which I believe has been very influential in how it rethinks a lot of basic assumptions about how language evolved, although the overall explanation is still very speculative and based on evidence that isn't universally agreed upon.


Basically my understanding of his argument, is that he thinks one shouldn't think of language as an isolated module that evolved on its own, but rather as something that's built on a lot of other brain functions important for socializing throughout the animal kingdom, and what's unique about humans is taking a smaller step towards symbolic logic (not making a sound to indicate something directly in your environment, but that refers to something abstractly that can be mixed with other symbols). Then when a basic symbolic language was established, this co-evolved along with humans, in that languages themselves evolved (went through randomization and selection pressures) to have features that were useful for our various social interactions and easily learn-able for young humans, and the use in turn affected human evolution in selecting habits that encouraged and facilitated this symbolic communication. His argument is that this would explain why language evolved so much more rapidly than human brains, which he claims other evolutionary explanations don't account for.


A few key quotes in case I'm misrepresenting his ideas since I'm not as widely ready in various linguistic theories.

Quote:
Behavioral adaptations need not be uniquely linked to one species or one lineage, and because tool-making and tool use are behavioral adaptations, there may not even be biological features that distinguish the fossils of the first stone toolmakers from those who were not making and using tools. Stone toolmaking is not a physical trait and like opposable thumbs or small canines. It is not passed on genetically. It is a learned skill, passed on from individual to individual. As a result, it is not impossible that one species might under certain circumstances ‘inherit’ a behavioral adaptation previously used by another, not genetically but behaviorally.   Human history provides ample evidence of the disassociatbility of socially inherited traditions and biological genealogies. Acquired behavioral adaptations have frequently passed from one population to another, either as a result of retrieval of abandoned artifacts or by direct mimicry. The initial population to “discover”an adaptation may even subsequently become extinct, and yet the adaptations they originated may survive in another. Indeed, many animals have been taught to use simple human tools including stone tools.

Due to the limited interactions between separate species, it is probably exceedingly rare for animals’ behavioral adaptations to be transmitted even beyond a single lineage;



Earlier we considered the problem of teaching symbols to apes and other species with brains that are not predisposed by evolution for symbol learning. The results of these animal “language-training” studies show that considerable external social support is necessary to attain a minimal symbol learning. Nevertheless, under special circumstances, at least one species of ape (and possibly many other bird and mammal species) appear capable of making the conceptual leap necessary to support a basic symbol system, if provided with the necessary supports. This is probably reasonably accurate analogue of the symbolic abilities of the first symbol users, as well as the needs for external support. During the initial phase of the symbolic adaptation, considerable external support must have been required to back up even a very basic symbol system. As a result these first symbolic abilities were likely dependent on fragile social adaptations that were subject to periodic failure. But as a consequence any source of support that could be recruited to help overcome these handicaps and reinforce these fragile conditions of transmission would have been favored by evolution. The expansion of the forebrain, and specifically the prefrontal cortex, in Homo Habilis reflects only the core adaptation supplemented overtime with an increasing number of other diverse language supports. The introduction of stone tools and the ecological adaptation they indicate also marks the presence of a socio-ecological predicament that demands a symbols solution. Stone tools and symbols must both, then, be the architects of the Australopithecus Homo transition, and not its consequences. The large brains, stone tools, reduction in dentition, better opposability of thumb and fingers, and more complete bipedality found in post australopithecine hominids are the physical echoes of a threshold already crossed.


Quote:
Although the threshold that separates linguistic from nonlinguistic communication is not the complexity of efficiency of language, human adaptations for language that enable it to be so complex and yet so effective were also produced by selection on language abilities. Once symbolic communication became even slightly elaborated in early hominidic societies, its unique representational functions and open-ended flexibility would have led to its use for innumerable purposes with equally powerful reproductive consequences. The multitiered structure of living languages and our remarkable facile use of speech are both features that can only be explained as consequences of this secondary selection, produced by social functions that recruited symbolic processes after they were first introduced. These are secondary insofar as they became selection pressures only after symbolic communication was well established in other realms. They are, however, the primary cause for the extensive specialization that characterizes spoken languages and for the great gulf that now separates our abilities in these realms from those of other species.

The evolutionary dynamic between social and biological processes was the architect of modern human brains, and it is the key to understanding the subsequent evolution of an array of unprecedented adaptations for language. This is an important shift in emphasis away from what might be called "monolithic innatism," that is, the view that the "instinct" that humans have for language is some unitary modular function: a language acquisition device (LAD). Co-evolutionary processes instead have produced an extensive array perceptual, motor, learning, and even emotional predispositions, each of which in some slight way decreases the probability of failing at the language game.



Though no one may be either indispensable or sufficient, together they guarantee the replication of language.


Quote:
Was language selected because of its importance in supporting close cooperation in mother-infant relationships, passing on tricks for extractive foraging, organizing hunts, manipulation reproductive competitors, attracting mates, recruiting groups for warfare and collective defense, or providing a sort of efficient social glue by which individuals could continually assess common interests and support networks, as grooming does for so many other primates? The answer is that all are probably significant sources of selection, no so much for language origin, but certainly for its progressive specialization and elaboration. In this regard, they do not offer competing, mutually exclusive hypotheses, but rather a list of domains into which symbolic communication as been successively introduced. The value of each of these uses, in turn, would have contributed new selection pressures that further supported and elaborated symbolic abilities.

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tarvos
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 Message 5 of 29
11 June 2015 at 3:43am | IP Logged 
Just because there is less morphological inflection doesn't mean the language is
simpler. It means it is up to context more often what people mean, and that,
paradoxically, makes it harder, as you cannot rely on explicit statements. The
advantage of very fusional morphology is that they make certain distinctions explicit
which are left entirely unsaid in other languages.

Mandarin is a good example of extremely context-dependent grammar.
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Iversen
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 Message 6 of 29
11 June 2015 at 9:52am | IP Logged 
outcast wrote:

Was human language a sudden "mutation" (...)?

Is there a bias towards simplification? (...)

As an extension to this question, and assuming the above postulate is true, why did ancient languages evolve such richness in complexity in the first place? (...)

Any other mysteries yet unresolved?



I find find it absolutely inconceivable that human language should have appeared without warning as a fullyfledged communication system. The differences between our language and grunts and screams of other apes are 1) that we have standardized morphemes, 2) that we have a syntax which isn't limited to word order and (maybe) 3) that we are capable of imagination in areas where the other apes can't follow us. This last capability may have evolved alongside our linguistic system, but thoughts don't leave marks in the bones so there isn't any final proof. A few apes have had the opportunity to prove that they can deal with artificial symbols and even combine them into meaningful units, but so far they haven't demonstrated the capability to make complicated constructions, and their thoughts mostly are concerned with immediate concerns like food, company, places to go and feelings. Impressive, but not abstraction at a human level. And they didn't invent those communicative systems - we did, and we taught those systems to a few lucky apes. In fact 'teaching' isn't practiced among apes - but learning through imitation is.

So basically our big invention was to subdivide the gamut of immediate sounds and treat them as building blocks and to do the same thing with meaningful units, thereby producing grammar. On top of that we have seen some physiological changes that facilitated a fine-tuned and deliberate production of sounds. One important part of this, the FoxP2 gene with a few important mutations, apparently existed in Neanderthals too and by inference in our common ancestor, Heidelberg man, so it happened long. An adult Neanderthal voice would have sounded different from an adult sapiens voice, but so does the voice of a sapiens voice. And we have absolutely no way of knowing how complicated the grammars of the Neanderthals were or whether they spoke about other things than killing animals and sex.

As for the 'development wheel' it is easy to see that the Indoeuropean languages generally have become more and more analytic, i.e. more and more based on inflexible bits and pieces. But following the hint of emk, the tendency to established fixed patterns involving those bits and pieces may lead to a system that effectively constitute a complicated agglutinative system, which over time through phonologically motivated changes may evolve into a fullfledged inflectional system. The French clitic pronouns have definitely entered this stage, and it is only the influence of a traditional writing system and their (mostly) initial location that prevent us from classifying them as inflective elements. I have also read somewhere that Ancient Chinese was more isolating than Modern Mandarin, but others have to elaborate on that.

So the wheel may actually rotate, but it still seems that the direction of the wheel is determined by erosion of existing complicated elements combined with fixation of certain patterns among those eroded elements. And it also seems that languages which are adapted by lots of second language learners have a tendency to loose some of their most hairy edges in the process simply because the 'new' learners never learn them. Extremely complicated languages tend to be spoken by isolated tribes and small communities, and nowadays that's a loser's game. But arbitrary habits can evolve even within presumably simple languages precisely because idiomatics and stylistics aren't changed in a regular fashion though sound laws. And that can happen within any kind of language structure.

Supplementary question: why don't we all click like the San? Did our ancestors long ago click, or did the click languages separate from the general run of the mill at some point in the distant past?

Edited by Iversen on 19 June 2015 at 1:12pm

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DaisyMaisy
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 Message 7 of 29
19 June 2015 at 7:55am | IP Logged 
Iversen, I've been wondering that very same thing about the San clicks.


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Stolan
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 Message 8 of 29
29 June 2015 at 2:07pm | IP Logged 
outcast wrote:
What do you guys think. Off the top of my head:

Is there a bias towards simplification? It is obvious that all Indo-European languages have streamlined cases,
declensions, tenses, gender, and even plurality (dual, etc), as time has gone on. Why? Anecdotally from what I have
read of the Sino-Tibetan languages, they also had richer morphology, and have been simplifying. If that is the case,
and if the same trend holds true for the Austronesian languages, why do we see this, and never (but I could be
wrong and correct me!), a case of a language in the historical era that began as very analytical and evolved cases,
more complex plurals, etc?

As an extension to this question, and assuming the above postulate is true, why did ancient languages evolve such
richness in complexity in the first place? What possible evolutionary advantage could it have brought to have three
genders, three plurals, eight cases, six declension classes, etc, for example? Is there perhaps a statistical bias
between the written records and the ACTUAL spoken language, which may have been far simpler than the written?

The above questions hold for phonology too. Generally speaking, in the historical records, daughter languages
attrition sounds that were once clearly distinct. Some languages even had clicks, and today no longer do. Again, to
me, the trend seems simplification. I understand why people would want to simplify if the job of communication can
still be accomplished, but again the question arises why did most languages in the past seem to require more
complexity in grammar, sound, and word order to function properly?


Here is my reply to you:
1st paragraph: No, many modern IE conservative languages have fewer forms but they are vastly more idiosyncratic,
irregular, and inconsistent often with gaps and random replacements hither thither. It always makes me want to
throw a shoe out my window when someone says "Lol, English has only 3 forms for a verb, x has 80!" When such a
phrase completely misses the point! Each of those 3 forms may have an irregularity while a language with "80" forms
may derive them from a 6x6x2+whatever format with no irregularities like Turkish.
The morphology of many sino-tibetan languages are not ancient, they evolved very recently but some have not
stuck and fell out not due to creolization but the fact that analyticity is a regional feature there. I may be wrong in
this statement in some areas but the idea is generally correct.

2nd:
Only one family did, certain neighboring families took on likewise features, the morphology of Latin and Ancient
Greek resembled something out of a newbie conlang artist who decided to pile everything up, they are the exception
not the rule. Modern descendants are exceptions not rules too.

3rd.
I agree, it is strange mergers keep on occuring but many languages never got phonologically complex to begin with,
look at Papua New Guinea (except for Yele which is rather complex) and Australia as well.

emk wrote:

The linguist John McWhorter argues that languages, left to their own devices, tend to become fearsomely complex. I
mean, some people feel that written French is full of irregularities, but you should see some of crazy complexities of
highly informal French as spoken in Quebec, qu%C3%A9b%C3%A9cois-en-10-le%C3%A7ons/paperback/product-2041 3778.html">as documented by HTLAL's
own
Arekkusu
. McWhorter also argues that one major simplifying force is the introduction of a large number of
poorly-integrated adult L2 speakers who never pick up the finer grammatical details. So major languages
like English and Chinese might have a bias towards being isolating, but anthropologists studying small, isolated
groups can sometimes find mind-blowing complexities. Do I agree with McWhorter? Maybe not entirely; he seems to
think on some level that adults are very poor language learners, which I don't really believe—adults have some
isolated weaknesses, certainly, but they can reach very high levels if they're fully integrated with a new culture.


John Mcwhorter is the kind of person who is extremely spot on at times but makes me want to bang my head since
some of his ideas are incredibly riddled with holes. In one of his books he presents two particular statements that
ruffle me to this day:

"Foreigners often say that English language is "easy." A language like Spanish is challenging in its variety of verb
endings (the verb speak is conjugated hablo, hablas, hablamos), and gender for nouns, whereas English is more
straight forward (I speak, you speak, we speak). But linguists generally swat down claims that certain languages are
"easier" than others, since it is assumed all languages are complex to the same degree. For example, they will point
to English's use of the word "do" -- Do you know French? This usage is counter-intuitive and difficult for non-native
speakers. Linguist John McWhorter agrees that all languages are complex, but questions whether or not they are all
equally complex. The topic of complexity has become a hot issue in recent years, particularly in creole studies,
historical linguistics, and language contact. As McWhorter describes, when languages came into contact over the
years (when French speakers ruled the English for a few centuries, or the vikings invaded England), a large number
of speakers are forced to learn a new language quickly, and this came up with a simplified version, a pidgin. When
this ultimately turns into a "real" language, a creole, the result is still simpler and less complex than a "non-
interrupted" language that has been around for a long time. McWhorter makes the case that this kind of
simplification happens in degrees, and criticizes linguists who are reluctant to say that, for example, English is
simply simpler than Spanish for socio-historical reasons. "

English is simpler than Spanish in many ways, but not all!
He may not have written this but the person who did certainly puts forth many misconceptions already. He (likely
John mcwhorter referring to himself in third person, being manipulative already) reminds me all too well of the
"linguist" who wrote the well known economist articles "Tongue Twisters" which states similar tripe in a smug tone
that would make anyone wish to throw a shoe out of a window. But back to Mcwhorter: He claims in his book for
instance that "Mandarin" is not an "English" but a Dutch and that an "English" would be a Mandarin with no tones
and no final consonants which is strange considering such a language would except for the usage of measure words
be extraordinarily simpler than English. He regularly claims things such as dialectal Arabic being "simplified" but
modern Romance languages to not be except for a few shavings, or that such and such language is not simplified
despite being simpler than a "simplified" language and so on. He never touches on languages like Turkish with no
irregularities, small phoneme inventories, barely any idiomatic adpositional usage (same word for "in,on,at" and "out
of, from"), no articles, etc the kind people like the writer(s) mentioned never touch ("english only has "the", my
language is so difficult I have trouble with it, you must not know any other languages", and other doggerel being
common from their mouthes).

Iversen wrote:
Extremely complicated languages tend to be spoken by isolated tribes and small communities.


Yes and no, we have to stop assuming just because an isolated tribe speaks a language, that is is fiendishly
complex. I have explained over and over how many have tiny phoneme inventories, no idiomatic usage of
preposition/adpositions, very transparent agglutination, simple syllable structures, etc etc. If you think Tagalog is
"complex" then yes they are complex, but many in Rainforests, Papua New Guinea (except for Yele), Australia, Pacific
Islands, Central America, etc are practically as complex as Turkish in the end. They have some of the most
transparent derivation to add, often having one or two morphemes for making a causative for instances while
something like Russian hypothetically has 2 dozen random ones with further irregularities along with half a dozen
constructions that are used when there is a typical gap due to the inconsistency of how the grammar is shaped,
almost comical in sheer excess and lack of mental economy really.

Edited by Stolan on 29 June 2015 at 2:38pm



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