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The original purpose of "dative" verbs

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Chung
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 Message 17 of 32
27 August 2012 at 6:21pm | IP Logged 
Iversen wrote:
I have now read Chung's long and informative post, and it seems to me that words like nominative and genitive become misleading rather than informative in the languages he describes. And the partitive - which I know as a grammatical term even though it isn't used as the name for a case in 'my' languages - seems to be used in a lot of different roles.

Maybe I'm naive, but in any language I would expect to find some logic or at least some 'model cases' which form the concept behind the uses of different cases. There may be cases with a number of sharply differentiated uses (like the Latin ablative, which covers the territory of at least three archaic cases) - but a language without any sstem at all would be hard to imagine.

In the Indoeuropean languages of Europe there is a model-like construction where direct objects are in the accusative and indirect objects are in the dative. A competing system mostly for prepositions, but also to some extent verbs, is the one that puts durations and places to go in the accusative, while places to be are in the dative - the details can vary, but it is nevertheless some kind of a guideline.

In Russian I have noticed the simple (and incomplete) rule that prepositions with just one case typically govern the genitive, while those who governs several cases mostly shun the genitive and govern something else, including the prepositional (an apt name because it only appears with a preposition, but also known as the 'locative'). Which all goes to show that a general principle can be formulated in other termes than those of an 'actant' (or role) model.

And then there are verbs and verbs and prepositions which for some reason are associated with unexpected cases like the genitive or (in for instance Russian) with the instrumental. At times there is some hint of a comprehensible logic behind this, sometimes you can let some generalized main rule colour your ideas about the meaning of a certain verb or preposition, and in some cases you can't with your best will see any logic but just have to learn a word-based case-government rule.

Of course the system used in the Romance and Germanic languages isn't the only possible. I have also read about the ergative languages, where the direct object ('the affected') with transitive verbs is put in the same case as the subject (the 'doer') of an intransitive verb. Again a system which is different, but there is some general logic in it, which you can use as a general framework while learning the exceptions.

And then I just ask myself: what kind of conceptual system can a learner of the Finno-Ugrian languages use to get some basic sense of the roles of the cases? It is fairly clear that there is a 'direction' principle with the separate cases for movements towards and movements away from something (and if my memory doesn't deceive me: a case for things lying on top of other things). But is there any common denominator for the uses of the genitive, and are the nominative and accusative used in accordance with some other system than the one where the 'doer' is in the nominative and the 'affected entity' is in the accusative (or inversely in passive: the affected entity is in the nominative and the doer is missing or expressed through a prepositional phrase or the instrumental if there is such a case)?

The remark that the allative + illative can share some of the roles of a dative is something I can understand - giving things 'to' somebody means that something either physically or in an abstract sense moves or points in that direction. However the most puzzling thing in Chung's examples is the varied uses of something called the partitive, a term which in the Western European languages is used about things there are a certain amount of. But just as 'nominative' and 'accusative' the word 'partitive' seems to have totally different meaning in the Finno-Ugrian languages.

I don't expect Chung to give us a formula which can spare me the trouble of learning Finnish, Saami and Hungarian, but there might be some kind of common denominator behind the uses of for instance the partitive.


This is probably the best summary for free on Finnish direct objects.

If you want some rather detailed explanations for partitive in Finnish, check out this article. This abstract briefly examines direct objects marked with nominative in Finnish (and Old Russian) while this paper explores the partitive-accusative division in Balto-Finnic languages (mainly Estonian and Finnish examples). Lastly this paper explores briefly the inflection for objects in several Finno-Ugric languages (i.e. not just Estonian and Finnish). There's actually quite a lot available for free on the topic just by running a search in Google with combinations of the keywords "direct object", "telicity", "aspect", "Finnic", "Saami", "Finno-Ugric", "definite conjugation"

***

I suppose that a rough analogy of partitive for a direct object in an Indo-European language could be found in French as it refers to the degree to which the direct object is affected by the action.

E.g.

Je bois du lait vs. Je bois le lait
"I drink (some) milk"/"I'm drinking (some) milk" vs. "I drink (all of the) milk"/"I'll drink (up the) milk"

A Finn could translate these respectively as:
Juon maitoa (partitive) vs. Juon maidon (synchronically genitive singular, diachronically a reflex of accusative singular -m - see below)

When it comes to direct objects, Finnish, Estonian and other Balto-Finnic languages mark telicity in declension. In general terms it means that the direct object's endings signal something about the verb's aspect (including duration) or the degree to which the verb affects the direct object. This is unlike the Slavonic languages or Hungarian, where the verb's aspect is signalled by some modification to the verb be it something internal (e.g. Polish: zapraszać (imperfective) ~ zaprosić (perfective) "to invite") or adding a prefix (e.g. Hungarian: olvasni "to read [in general]" ~ elolvasni "to read sg to completion"). Based on what I've learned so far for Northern Saami, direct objects don't seem to mark for telicity as in the Balto-Finnic languages but such distinctions for telicity seem to rely more on context, or using adverbs or different verbs (I guess that it's also related to Northern Saami lacking explicit case marking for partitive).

Using the partitive on a direct object then suggests to the Finn (or Estonian) that the verb's action could be ongoing or incomplete, or that not all of the direct object is affected. The connotation of continuation has been used to explain why direct objects of verbs referring to emotion are often in partitive as in the sentence Rakastan sinua "I love you".

If a direct object however clears the "partitive filter", then the direct object will be marked by what is synchronically genitive or nominative. Finnish long ago used the suffix -m as the accusative singular, however Finns seemed to have started to produce the final -m as -n thus making accusative look and sound like genitive thus explaining the description of a non-partitive suffix for direct objects as "genitive". As to use of nominative for other direct objects, I'm not sure but refer to that abstract whose link is above for some hints.

For the Saamic languages, the accusative singular suffix was also -m at one time, but just as in Finnish most Saami started to produce the suffix as -n thus again coinciding with genitive singular. Even later though, this final -n of the merged accusative-genitive faded away because the extensive consonant gradation of Saamic as triggered in inflection often made it sufficiently clear to Saami if the form was nominative or genitive/accusative to the point where it seemed redundant to use the merged genitive/accusative ending -n (as far as I know only Southern Saami still uses -m for accusative thus maintaining the case's independence. Lule Saami uses -v as a reflex of the earlier -m/-n which also maintains the accusative singular's independence. All of the other Saamic languages have it such that accusative singular forms have almost totally (if not totally) merged with genitive singular ones. Just as in Finnish, labelling Northern Saami direct objects as "genitive" (or "accusative/genitive" as I've done) is synchronic).

Hungarian differs from Finnic and Saamic since it seems rather closer to the "Standard Average European" treatment of direct object being accusative, notwithstanding its own treatment or "quirks".

Nevertheless, there are still what could pass off as "unintuitive" connections in these languages just as there are in Indo-European languages which as Medulin notes are just part of the languages' pattern of case governance for verbs (rection) and so they evade succint comparison, generalization or rationalization. In any case the outsider just needs to learn them as they are since the reasons may indeed be obscure, uncertain or downright speculative to the point of being distractions to the average learner (e.g. use elative (~ "out of") for Finnish object of "to like", illative (~ "(in)to") for Northern Saami object of "to like", dative (~ "to") for Hungarian object of "to help"). I think that considering verbs' degree of transitivity could help rationalize some of the "rections" but not all of them.
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Bao
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 Message 18 of 32
27 August 2012 at 8:25pm | IP Logged 
LaughingChimp wrote:
I don't know how it works in German, but in Czech you use accusative for the direct object and dative if you do something to/for someone.

In German, valency is strictly hierarchic. Almost all verbs take accusative for their first object argument, and dative for the second one.

But the verbs in question take dative for their first object, without there being an obvious case of dropping an argument known to the listener.

I read about these being a remnant of an ergative subsytem in Germanic verbs, but I can't find the source. And I don't really comprehend alignment yet.


Edited by Bao on 27 August 2012 at 8:25pm

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Josquin
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 Message 19 of 32
27 August 2012 at 8:37pm | IP Logged 
LaughingChimp wrote:
I don't know how it works in German, but in Czech you use accusative for the direct object and dative if you do something to/for someone.

In German, it's different. In most cases, you can't simply add a dative object to a verb. Instead you have to use a different verb.

Sie las ein Buch (acc.) (She was reading a book).
Sie las den Kindern (dat.) etwas vor (She was reading to the children).
Sie las den Kindern (dat.) Märchen (acc.) vor (She was reading fairy tales to the children).

Here, you have to use "vorlesen" instead of "lesen", if you want to include a dative object.

Warum tust du das (acc.)? (Why are you doing this?)
Warum tust du mir (dat.) das (acc.) an? (Why are you doing this to me?)

In this case, you use "antun" instead of "tun".

Sie haben mir (dat.) mein Auto (acc.) gestohlen (They stole my car.)

In this case, it works.

Gießt du meine (poss.) Pflanzen (acc.)? (will you water my plants?)

In German, you would use a possessive pronoun instead of a dative object. "Gießt du mir die Pflanzen?" is theoretically possible, but not very idiomatic.

Er hat den Hund (acc.) des Lehrers (gen.) vergiftet (He poisoned the teacher's dog).

In this case, German works like English. You would express possession by using a genitive attribute and not a dative object.
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outcast
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 Message 20 of 32
27 August 2012 at 10:40pm | IP Logged 
I hate to deviate the topic, but the last two responses seem slightly contradictory to me. Bao said there is hierarchy in German verbs, first Wenfall then Wemfall, but Josquin stated many times you have to use another verb to add grammatical recipiency (indirect object), which would say most verbs don't allow hierarchy. In other words, from his examples it appears that base verbs (without prefixes) generally are not ditransitive and only accept accusatives.

Does this process work with inseparable prefixes too (i.e zahlen/bezahlen, brechen/zerbrechen), and is there literature that I can read about this feature? So far I've just learned when to use what verb by context and exposure, and it is painfully slow. This is the most enigmatic part of German grammar to me, when to use two verbs that seem to have very similar meanings, one with a prefix and one without, because there is really very little in terms of actual material that explains this.

In order to not deviate the topic, please PM me if you think there a link or other material that could help me. Thanks!
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Chung
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 Message 21 of 32
27 August 2012 at 10:52pm | IP Logged 
For a little bit on German valency, try this, this or this.

Those were the first 3 interesting links that I found after typing in "German dative verbs valency" in Google. I'm sure that you can uncover more by running similar searches using other keywords in addition to what I used.
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outcast
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 Message 22 of 32
27 August 2012 at 11:06pm | IP Logged 
Thank you, I didn't do search with "valency", mainly because the way Josquin describe verb usage was the first time I've seen such a feature described, at least here. At first glance it would explain many patterns I've noticed in German verb usage, but that until now could not pinpoint.

As for your expatiations on usage in languages you are studying, it was really very cool. I have a much stronger understanding of language than I did even a couple of weeks ago, I've read a couple of books and very technical articles, about aspect, about cases, and alignment. I now have a solid grasp on how all of these work, at least in theory.

When I read your Finnish description of the partitive vs genetive to describe how an action is partly vs entirely affecting something (like you are watching a movie vs you completely watched the movie), I also was immediately reminded of the robust French partitive usage.
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Chung
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 Message 23 of 32
27 August 2012 at 11:24pm | IP Logged 
No problem. I'm glad that at least someone other than Iversen got something out of my rambling :-P

This is the beauty though of studying languages that are divergent wherever these differences lie (e.g. typology, phonology, lexicon, pragmatics) as it refines your understanding of how we communicate and the distinctions that we can make when expressing ourselves. No doubt that as you study Mandarin, you're probably having to rewire your brain which based on your profile is heavily influenced by a handful of Romance and Germanic languages.
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outcast
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 Message 24 of 32
27 August 2012 at 11:40pm | IP Logged 
Well Mandarin has nuanced verbal aspects that most IE languages I know lack (or require long-winded phrasing to express), it has two perfectives and imperfective particles, which now that I think of it reminds me of the Finnish partitive/genitive nuance, or the nuance in Spanish of the present perfect vs the prererite (a continunous/stative nuance which Portuguese and French have lost, Portuguese by making the present perfect a sort of perfective progressive, French by making the preterite obsolete). But nevertheless, these similarities are not perfectly translferable on a case by case basis.

My problem with the German verbs is just the actual vocabulary choice (lesen vs vorlesen "to read/to read out"), not the underlying grammar which I understand perfectly at this point. I just can't tell when a certain verb can be ditransitive ("antun") or not ("tun").

I already had learned that example from exposure, but that is a very slow way of learning this when you are not in country. So I was hoping maybe there was even a vague shortcut :)




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